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JEFFERSON  DAVIS 

Address  by 

DANIEL  ALBRIGHT  LONG 


Recommended  by  the 

State  Board  of  Education  of  North  Carolina 
FOR  Use  in  the  Schools  of  the  State 


[Price  35  cents] 


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JEFFERSON  DAVIS 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS 


An  Address  Delivered  at 
Concord y  North  Carolina 
June  3 , 1921 

BY 

Daniel  Albright  Long 


1b 


RALEIGH,  N.  C. 

Edwabds  &  Broughton  Printing  Company 

1923 


Copyright,  1921 

BY 

Dakiel  Albright  Long 


^uperintanbcnt  of  ^oftltc  (Snslntcixon 
of  ^ortI|  (Uarolma 


Makch  9,  1923. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long, 

Eranklinton,  IN’.  C. 

My  dear  Dr.  Long  : 

The  State  Board  of  Education  yesterday  unanimously  recom¬ 
mended  your  book  ^^The  Place  of  Jefferson  Davis  in  History,” 
to  be  placed  on  the  supplementary  list  for  use  in  the  schools 
of  the  State.  I  take  pleasure  in  sending  you  this  action  of 
the  Board. 

I  am  keeping  one  copy  of  the  manuscript  and  returning 
the  other  to  you. 

Very  sincerely  yours. 


State  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction. 


STATE  BOARD  OF  EDUCATION 

Hon.  Cameron  Morrison . Governor 

Hon.  W.  B.  Cooper . Lieutenant-Governor 

Hon.  W.  N.  Everett . Secretary  of  State 

Hon.  Baxter  Durham . State  Auditor 

Hon.  B.  R.  Lacy . State  Treasurer 

Hon.  James  S.  Manning . Attorney-General 

Hon.  E.  C.  Brooks . State  Supt.  of  Public  Instruction 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2019  with  funding  from 
University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


https://archive.org/details/jeffersondavisad03long 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS 


Address  delivered  by  Daniel  Albright  Long  at  Concord,  North  Carolina, 

June  3,  1921, 


Comrades  of  the  War  between  the  States  1861-65:  At  your 
request  I  am  today  to  speak  of  the  place  of  Jefferson  Davis 
in  history. 

One  hundred  and  thirteen  years  ago  Jefferson  Davis,  the 
youngest  of  ten  children,  was  born  in  a  log  house  in  Christian 
County,  now  known  as  Todd  County,  Kentucky. 

Before  the  Revolutionary  War  three  Davis  brothers  came 
from  Wales  to  Philadelphia.  Evan  Davis  married  a  widow 
in  Georgia,  Mrs.  Emory,  with  two  sons.  By  this  marriage 
there  was  an  only  child,  named  'Samuel.  The  Revolutionary 
War  was  in  progress  when  Samuel  reached  the  age  of  fifteen, 
and  his  mother  often  sent  him  from  Georgia  to  South  Carolina 
to  take  food  and  clothing  to  his  half-brothers,  serving  in  the 
American  Army.  This  man  soon  raised  a  company  of  infan¬ 
try  and  was  chosen  captain.  He  led  his  company  to  Savannah 
and  gained  honors  in  rendering  aid  to  the  Americans.  When 
the  war  ended  he  returned  to  his  Georgia  home  and  found  his 
mother  had  died,  the  home  was  a  wreck,  all  buildings  burned 
fences  and  crops  destroyed.  He  then  moved  near  Augusta,  Ga., 
and  began  life  as  a  farmer. 

While  a  soldier  in  South  Carolina  he  stopped  one  day  on  a 
march  to  ask  for  food  at  the  home  of  a  beautiful  Scotch-Irish 
girl,  named  Jane  Cook.  He  never  forgot  the  charms  of  that 
young  hostess.  As  soon  as  Samuel  had  a  home  of  his  own  he 
needed  a  cook,  so  he  returned  to  South  Carolina  and  captured 
Jane  Cook.  Home  life  was  happy.  Many  children  came  into 
the  home  nest.  They  moved  west  and  settled  in  Kentucky, 
where  Jefferson  Davis  was  born  June  3,  1808.  From  Ken¬ 
tucky  the  family  moved  to  Bayou  Teche,  Louisiana,  but  health 


was  not  good  there  so  they  moved  to  Woodville,  Mississippi. 
Here  at  that  time  bear,  deer. and  fish  were  abundant  and  the 
Davis  hoys  had  fine  sport,  working  on  the  farm,  hunting,  fish¬ 
ing  and  going  to  the  nearby  school,  in  a  log  cabin.  This  was 
^Meff’s^’  first  school,  going  at  the  age  of  five,  with  his  sister 
Polly. 

The  War  of  1812  was  soon  on,  and  three  of  the  brothers 
joined  Andrew  Jackson’s  army.  ^Meff”  was  sent  away  to  school 
in  Kentucky,  and  was  the  youngest  boy  in  that  school.  In 
two  years  he  was  placed  at  Jefferson  Academy,  near  home. 
At  the  age  of  12  he  entered  Transylvania  College,  Kentucky. 
Here  he  was  noted  for  his  respect  for  his  professors,  and  was, 
according  to  their  testimony,  ‘The  most  polite  boy  in  college.” 
He  was  “considered  the  brightest  and  most  intelligent  of  all 
the  boys  as  well  as  the  bravest  and  handsomest.”  His  father 
died  while  he  was  at  college.  He  grieved  greatly  over  his 
death.  His  next  move  was  to  the  United  States  Military 
Academy  at  West  Point.  He  was  only  twenty  years  of  age 
when  he  graduated  there. 

It  was  at  West  Point  he  studied  “Rawle’s  View  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution,”  which  taught  him  that  if  a  State  seceded  (showing 
that  it  was  an  acknowledged  fact  by  the  Constitution  that  a 
State  had  the  right  to  secede)  the  duty  of  a  soldier  reverted  to 
his  State.  Hence,  Davis,  Pobert  E.  Lee,  Thomas  J.  Jackson, 
Joseph  E.  Johnston,  Albert  Sidney  Johnston  and  others,  act¬ 
ing  upon  this  instruction,  cast  their  lot  with  their  States  in 
1861.  When  the  star  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  paled  to 
a  close  and  the  frail  body  of  President  Davis  was  loaded  with 
chains  and  cast  into  a  dungeon,  and  when  those  who  camped 
outside  of  the  Constitution  to  save  the  Union  demanded  his 
trial  and  execution.  Chief  Justice  Chase  said  that  a  trial  of 
Davis  would  condemn  the  Korth,  and  so  no  trial  was  ever 
held.  He  was  released  on  bail,  but  his  political  disabilities  were 
never  removed',  although  he  lived  to  be  eighty-one  years,  six 
months  and  three  days  old,  and  died  December  6,  1889. 

The  Black  Hawk  War  came  soon  after  Davis  left  West 
Point.  Among  the  brave  young  men  who  volunteered  was 
Captain  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Springfield,  Illinois,  and  he  was 


^^mustered  into  service  by  Lieutenant  Jefferson  Davis,  of  tbe 
United  States  Army/’  This  is  tbe  only  record  tbat  these  men 
ever  met  or  were  brought  in  personal  contact  with  each  other. 

In  a  few  years  came  the  War  with  Mexico.  Davis  became 
a  hero  many  times.  At  Monterey  he  distinguished  himself ;  at 
Buena  Yista  he  was  wounded;  he  scaled'  the  walls  of  the  City 
of  Mexico*  This  war  over,  he  was  elected  United  States  Sen¬ 
ator,  then  became  Secretary  of  War  in  President  Pierce’s  cabi¬ 
net.  When  Buchanan  was  made  president  Mississippi  sent 
him  back  to  the  United  States  Senate. 

The  first  wife  of  Davis  was  Sarah  Knox  Taylor,  daughter 
of  General  Taylor.  His  bride,  with  whom  he  had  eloped, 
lived  three  months.  About  eight  years  after  he  married  Miss 
Yarina  Banks  Howell,  the  daughter  of  William  Burr  Howell, 
and  a  descendent  of  Lieutenant  Howell,  of  the  War  of  1812, 
and  of  General  Howell  of  Revolutionary  War  fame.  The  life 
of  Davis  touches  many  Southern  States.  His  mother  was 
from  'South  Carolina,  his  father  from  Georgia,  he  was  born 
in  Kentucky,  lived  in  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Mississippi  and 
Yirginia,  fought  to  free  Texas. 

Men  who  had  no  special  love  for  the  South  were  forced  to 
acknowledge  the  nobility  of  his  character.  The  Hew  York 
World  said  of  him  after  his  death:  ^Mefferson  Davis  was  a 
man  of  commanding  'ability,  spotless  integrity,  controlling 
conscience  and  a  temper  so  resolute  that  at  times  it  approached 
obstinacy.  He  was  proud,  sensitive  and  honorable  in  all  his 
dealings  and  in  every  relation  of  life.”  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
a  Union  soldier  and  grandson  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  said  of 
Davis:  ^^Ko  fatal  mistakes  either  of  administration  or  strategy 
were  made  which  can  be  fairly  laid  to  his  account.  He  did 
the  best  possible  with  the  means  he  had  at  his  command. 
Merely  the  opposing  forces  were  too  many  and  too  strong  for 
him.  Of  his  austerity,  earnestness  and  fidelity  there  can  be  no 
more  question  than  can  be  entertained  of  his  capacity.” 

But  up  jumps  the  brassy,  flashy,  skyrocket  hater  of  the 
South  and  says :  was  impossible  for  Davis  to  be  a  patriot, 

and  for  the  Confederate  soldier  to  be  fighting  for  liberty,  when 
Slavery  was  the  cornerstone  of  the  Confederacy.”  To  this  I 


reply:  The  Soutliern  States  did  not  go  to  war  for  the  perpet¬ 
uation  of  slavery,  but  for  the  preservation  of  the  principle  of 
self-^v/*'ernnient. 

Lincoln  wrote  Greeley  in  1862 :  ^^My  paramount  object  in 
this  struggle  is  to  save  the  Union  and  is  not  either  to  save  or 
destroy  slavery/’ 

Davis  wrote,  February,  1861:  ^Un  any  case  our  slave  prop¬ 
erty  will  be  eventually  lost.” 

Uot  one  Confederate  soldier  in  ten  ever  owned  a  slave.  Uot 
one  of  them  would  restore  slavery  if  he  could  by  snapping  a 
finger,  much  less  by  firing  a  gun. 

General  Lee  and  wife,  long  before  the  war,  emancipated  the 
slaves  they  inherited.  General  Grant  and  wife  held  on  to  those 
they  inherited  until  they  were  freed  by  the  Thirteenth  Amend¬ 
ment. 

General  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  A.  P.  Hill  and  Fitzhugh  Lee 
never  o^vvned  a  slave. 

But,  say  the  haters,  the  Constitution  of  the  Confederate 
States  recognized  slavery.  To  this  I  reply  it  did,  but  it  pro¬ 
hibited  the  slave  trade.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
as  originally  adopted  by  the  thirteen  colonies,  contained  three 
sections  which  recognized  slavery  and  through  the  influence 
of  Hew  York  and  Hew  England  and  two'  or  three  Southern 
States  continued  the  slave  trade  for  twenty  years.  Were  all 
the  brave  soldiers  of  the  E-evolution  ary  War  not  seceders  and 
fighting  for  liberty,  although  slavery  existed  in  every  one  of 
the  thirteen  colonies? 

If  George  Washington,  a  slave  holder,  was  a  champion  of 
liberty,  why  could  not  a  soldier  of  the  Confederacy  be  fighting 
for  liberty,  too?  Over  100,000  soldiers  of  the  Union  Army 
O’vvned  slaves.  The  time  has  come  when  men  and  women  ought 
to  speak  and  write  truly,  kindly  and  freely  about  our  country 
and  its  history.  The  last  soldier  in  the  War  between  the 
States,  Horth  and  South,  will  soon  answer  the  last  roll-call. 
All  are  one  hundred  per  cent  Americans.  Their  sons  and 
grandsons  responded  alike  when  McKinley  called  and  when 
Wilson  called,  and  thousands  of  them  sealed  their  devotion  to 
their  country  with  their  heart’s  best  blood.  Let  us  garland  the 
graves  of  all  the  brave  soldiers  alike. 


You  remember  there  have  been  a  iiumbnr  of  secessions  in 
the  United  States,  and  many  threatened  ones. 

1.  Thirteen  colonies  seceded  from  England  and  formed  a 
^^Perpetual  Union/’ under  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  in  1776. 

2.  The  Thirteen  States  seceded  from  the  Perpetual  Union 
and  formed  a  Republic  of  Sovereign  States,  in  1787. 

3.  Texas  seceded  from  Mexico  and  became  a  Republic,  in 
1836. 

4.  The  Abolitionists,  led  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  seceded 
from  the  Constitution  at  Framingham,  Mass.,  and  publicly 
burned  it,  calling  it  a  ^deague  with  hell  and  a  covenant  with 
death,”  the  assembled  multitude  loudly  applauding. 

5.  Eleven  States  seceded  from  the  Union  in  1861  and  formed 
a  Southern  Confederacy. 

6.  The  Uorth  seceded  from  the  Constitution  in  1861,  when 
she  attempted  to  coerce  the  eleven  seceding  States  back  into 
the  Union.  (Miss  M.  L.  Rutherford.) 

7.  Under  President  McKinley,  1898,  the  United  States  forced 
Cuba  to  secede  from  Spain- 

8.  Under  President  Roosevelt,  1905,  the  United  States  forced 
Panama  to  secede  from  Colombia. 

During  the  earlier  days  of  the  Union  the  right  to  secede  was 
generally  recognized.  This  right  was  asserted  more  than  once 
by  States  of  the  Korth,  who  later  refused  to  allow  the  South 
to  assert  the  same  claim.  Massachusetts  was  a  believer  in  the 
right  to  secede  when  John  Quincy  Adams  declared  on  the  floor 
of  Congress,  at  the  time  of  the  admission  of  Texas  as  a  State, 
that  New  England  ought  to  secede,  while  the  Hartford  Con¬ 
vention  threatened  similar  steps  when  our  country  was  engaged 
in  the  War  of  1812.  Even  at  the  time  when  the  Forth  declared 
the  South  had  no  right  to  secede,  although  having  itself  asserted 
that  right  previously,  we  see  West  Virginia  encouraged  and 
assisted  in  secession  from  the  mother  State. 

Who  was  responsible  for  negro  slavery  in  the  South  ? 

Bancroft  says :  ^^The  sovereigns  of  England  and  Spain  were 
the  greatest  slave  merchants  in  the  world.”  DuBois,  the  negro 


historian,  sajs :  ^^The  American  slave  trade  camo  to  be  carried 
on  principally  by  United  States  capital,  in  United  States  ships, 
officered  by  United  States  citizens  and  under  the  United  States 
flag.’’  'New  England  and  New  York  furnished  more  slave 
ships  than  all  the  other  States.  Henry  Watterson  in  the  Louis¬ 
ville  Courier  Journal  says:  ^^Slavery  existed  in  the  beginning 
in  both  the  Yorth  and  the  'South.  But  the  Horth,  finding  slave 
labor  unsuited  to  its  needs  and,  therefore,  unprofitable,  sold 
its  slaves  to  the  South,  not  forgetting  to  pocket  the  money  it 
got  for  them,  having  indeed  at  great  profit  brought  them  over 
from  Africa  in  its  shipsA 

July  16,  1859,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  speaking  at  Bloomington, 
Illinois,  said:  ^^There  is  but  one  possible  way  in  which  slavery 
can  be  abolished,  and  that  is  by  leaving  a  State  perfectly  free 
to  form  and  regulate  its  institutions  in  its  own  way.  That  was 
the  principle  upon  which  this  Republic  was  founded.  Under 
its  operations  slavery  disappeared  from  six  of  the  twelve  orig¬ 
inal  slave-holding  States;  and  this  gradual  system  of  emancipa¬ 
tion  went  on  quietly,  peacefully  and  steadily  so  long  as  we  in 
the  free  States  minded  our  own  business  and  left  our  neighbors 
alone.” 

Rev.  J.  W.  Wellons,  D.D.,  now  of  Elon  College,  H.  C.,  is  in 
his  96th  year,  born  and  reared  in  Virginia,  not  far  from  the 
place  where  Nat  Turner,  a  negro  preacher,  in  August,  1831, 
led  the  ^^Southampton  Insurrection.”  He  told  me  only  a  short 
time  ago  how  the  negroes  attacked  the  whites  at  night  and 
before  the  assault  could  be  suppressed  fifty-seven  whites,  prin¬ 
cipally  women  and  children,  had  been  killed  in  the  most  bar¬ 
barous  manner.  Hat  Turner  was  an  educated  slave.  One  of 
his  lieutenants  was  a  free  negro.  Instigators  from  without  were 
responsible  for  the  insurrection. 

In  the  work  of  W.  E.  Channing,  D.D.,  American  Unitarian 
Society,  page  735,  he  says:  ^^The  adoption  of  the  common  sys¬ 
tem  of  agitation  by  the  Abolitionists  has  not  been  justified 
.  .  .  It  has  stirred  up  bitter  passions  and  fierce  fanaticism.” 

Abraham  Lincoln  (Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,  page  74)  at 
Peoria,  Illinois,  October  16,  1854,  said:  ^^When  Southern  peo¬ 
ple  tell  us  they  are  no  more  responsible  for  the  origin  of  slavery 
than  we  are  I  acknowledge  the  fact.  When  it  is  said  that  the 


institution  exists  and  that  it  is  very  difficult  to  get  rid  of  it  in 
any  satisfactory  way  I  can  understand  and  appreciate  the  say¬ 
ing.  I  surely  will  not  blame  them  for  not  doing  what  I  should 
not  know  how  to  do  myself.  It  all  earthly  powers  were  given 
me  I  should  not  know  what  to  do  as  to  the  existing  institution. 
What  next?  Free  them  and  make  them  politically  and  socially 
our  equals?  My  own  feelings  would  not  admit  of  that;  and  if 
mine  would,  we  well  know  that  those  of  the  great  mass  of  white 
people  will  not.” 

The  Abolitionists  kept  sending  inflammatory  papers  and  pam¬ 
phlets,  gratuitously,  into  the  South,  with  amalgamation  pictures 
(A  South  Side  View  of  Slavery,  Adams,  page  108)  in  order, 
if  possible,  to  stir  up  more  Hat  Turner  insurrections.  In  the 
Memoirs  of  Margaret  Mercer,  by  Morris,  page  126,  you  may 
read  what  this  good  woman  of  Maryland  said  about  these  things. 
She  manumitted  her  own  slaves,  hut  abhorred  the  idea  of 
inciting  the  slaves  to  follow  the  example  of  Hat  Turner.  She 
wrote  Gerrit  Smith :  ^‘For  while  the  well  disposed  and  faithful 
servants  of  kind  masters  will  suffer  and  die  with  the  whites  in 
a  general  insurrection,  the  lawless  and  vicious  will  have  in 
their  power  the  massacre  of  men,  women  and  children  in  their 
sleep.  This  is  my  apology  for  feeling  and  expressing  the 
deepest  indignation  against  the  man  who  dares  to  throw  the 
firebrand  into  the  powder  magazine  while  all  are  asleep  and 
stands  himself  at  a  distance  to  see  the  mangled  victims  of  his 
barbarous  fury.” 

Prof.  John  W.  Burgess,  of  Columbia  University,  in  his  His¬ 
tory  of  the  Civil  V^ar  and  the  Constitution,  page  329,  says. 
'Mohn  Brown  and  his  hand  had  murdered  five  men  and  wounded 
some  eight  or  ten  more  in  their  criminal  movements  at  Harper  s 
Ferry.  Add  to  this  the  consideration  that  Brown  certainly 
intended  the  wholesale  massacre  of  the  whites  by  the  blacks. 
When  this  crime  was  punished  what  took  place  in  the  Horth? 
Prof.  Burgess  says,  page  329 :  'Ht  was  certainly  natural  that 
the  tolling  of  the  church  bells,  the  holding  of  prayer-meetings 
for  the  soul  of  John  Brown,  the  draping  of  houses,  the  half- 
masting  of  flags,  etc.,  in  many  parts  of  the  Horth  should  appear 
to  the  people  of  the  South  to  be  evidences  of  a  wickedness  which 
knew  no  bounds  and  which  was  bent  upon  the  destruction  of  the 


South  by  any  means  necessary  to  accomplish  the  result.  Espe¬ 
cially  did  terror  and  bitterness  take  possession  of  the  hearts  of 
the  women  of  the  South  who  saw  in  slave  insurrection  not  only 
destruction  and  death,  hut  that  which  to  feminine  virtue  is  a 
thousand  times  worse  than  the  most  terrible  death.^’ 

Did  we  have  a  legal  and  moral  right  to  secede?  In  the  His¬ 
tory  of  the  United  States  by  Rhodes  (1861)  Yol.  Ill,  page 
214,  he  says :  ^Hhere  were  at  this  time  in  the  border  states 
of  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Kentucky  and  Missouri  uncondi¬ 
tional  secessionists  and  unconditional  Union  men;  hut  the  great 
body  of  the  people,  although  believing  that  the  wrongs  of  the 
South  were  grievous  and  cried  for  redress,  deemed  secession 
inexpedient.  All  denied  either  the  right  or  feasibility  of 
coercion.’’ 

After  the  death  of  John  C.  Calhoun  Jefferson  Davis  was  the 
ablest  representative  from  the  South  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  In  his  farewell  address  to  the  Senate  he  said:  ^USTow, 
sirs,  we  are  confusing  language  very  much.  Men  speak  of 
revolution  and  when  they  say  revolution  they  mean  blood.  Our 
fathers  meant  nothing  of  the  sort.  When  they  spoke  of  revolu¬ 
tion  they  meant  an  inalienable  right.  When  they  declared  as 
an  inalienable  right  the  power  of  the  people  to  abrogate  and 
modify  their  form  of  government  whenever  it  did  not  answer 
the  ends  for  which  it  was  established  they  did  not  mean  that 
they  were  going  to  sustain  that  by  brute  force.  Are  we,  in  the 
age  of  civilization  and  political  progress,  are  we  to  roll  hack 
the  whole  current  of  human  thought  and  again  to  return  to 
the  mere  brute  force  which  prevails  between  beasts  of  prey  as 
the  only  method  of  settling  questions  between  men  ?  Is  it  to  be 
supposed  that  the  men  who  fought  the  battles  of  the  Revolution 
for  community  independence  terminated  their  great  efforts  by 
transmitting  to  posterity  a  condition  in  which  they  could  only 
gain  those  rights  by  force?  If  so,  the  blood  of  the  Revolution 
was  shed  in  vain;  no  great  principles  were  established;  for 
force  was  the  law  of  nature  before  the  battles  of  the  Revo¬ 
lution  were  fought.”  (Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate 
Government,  Yol.  I,  page  617.) 

John  Quincy  Adams,  speaking  before  the  Hew  York  His¬ 
torical  Society  in  1838  on  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  Wash- 


ington’s  inauguration  as  President  of  tlie  United  States,  said : 

To  the  people  alone  there  is  reserved  as  well  the  dissolving  as 
the  constituent  power  and  that  power  can  be  exercised  by 
them  only  under  the  tie  of  conscience  binding  them  to  the 
retributive  justice  of  heaven.’’ 

With  these  qualifications  we  may  admit  the  right  as  vested 
in  the  people  of  every  State  of  the  Union  with  reference  to  the 
general  government,  which  was  exercised  by  the  people  of  the 
United  Colonies  with  reference  to  the  supreme  head  of  the 
British  Empire  of  which  they  formed  a  part  and  under  these 
limitations  the  people  of  each  State  of  the  Union  have  a  right 
to  secede  from  the  Confederated  Union  itself.”  (Buchanan’s 
Administration,  page  89.) 

Abraham  Lincoln,  January  12,  1848,  in  Congress,  said: 
^^Any  people  anywhere,  being  inclined  and  having  the  power 
have  the  right  to  rise  up  and  shake  off  the  existing  government 
and  form  a  new  one  that  suits  them  better.  This  is  a  most 
valuable  and  sacred  right,  a  right  which  we  hope  and  believe 
is  to  liberate  the  world.  Uor  is  this  right  confined  to  cases 
in  which  the  whole  people  of  an  existing  government  may 
choose  to  exercise  it.  Any  portion  of  such  that  can  may  revolu¬ 
tionize  and  make  their  own  way  any  or  so  much  of  the  territory 
as  they  inhabit.”  (Abraham  Lincoln,  Speeches  and  Letters, 
E".  &  H.,  Yol.  L,  page  105.) 

What  a  hard  time  the  poor  brother  in  black  has  had!  Let 
me  leave  out  entirely  anything  the  people  of  the  South  said 
about  him  and  give  you  a  few  specimens  of  what  the  great 
leaders  of  the  I^orth  said  about  him.  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
at  Ottawa,  Illinois,  August  21,  1858,  said:  “For  one  I  am 
opposed  to  negro  citizenship  in  any  and  every  form.  I  believe 
this  government  was  made  by  white  men,  for  the  benefit  of 
white  men  and  their  posterity  forever,  and  I  am  in  favor  of 
confining  citizenship  to  white  men,  men  of  European  birth 
and  descent,  instead  of  conferring  it  upon  Indians,  negroes  and 
other  inferior  races.”  (The  Hegro  Problem,  Abraham  Lin¬ 
coln’s  Solution,  Pickett,  page  245.) 

General  William  T.  Sherman,  writing  in  July,  1860,  said: 

Congresses  on  earth  can’t  make  the  negro  anything 


else  tlian  what  lie  is;  lie  must  he  subject  to  the  white  man,  or 
he  must  amalgamate  or  be  destroyed.  Two  such  races  cannot 
live  in  harmony,  save  as  master  and  slave.  Mexico  shows  the 
result  of  general  equality  and  amalgamation,  and  the  Indians 
give  a  fair  illustration  of  the  fate  of  negroes  if  they  are  released 
from  the  control  of  the  whites.”  (General  Sherman’s  Letters 
Home,  Scribner’s  Magazine,  April,  1909,  page  400.) 

William  H.  Seward,  speaking  at  Detroit,  Michigan,  Septem- 
her  4,  1860,  said:  ^^The  great  fact  is  now  fully  realized  that 
the  African  race  here  is  a  foreign  and  feeble  element,  like  the 
Indians,  incapable  of  assimilation,  and  that  it  is  a  pitiful  ex¬ 
otic,  unwisely  and  unnecessarily  transplanted  into  our  fields, 
and  which  is  unprofitable  to  cultivate  at  the  cost  of  the  desola¬ 
tion  of  the  native  vineyard.”  (The  Hegro  Problem,  Abraham 
Lincoln’s  Solution,  Pickett,  page  449.) 

Abraham  Lincoln,  in  his  speech  at  Quincy,  Illinois,  October 
15,  1858,  in  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debate,  said:  have  no  pur¬ 

pose  to  introduce  political  and  social  equality  between  the  white 
and  black  races.  There  is  a  physical  difference  between  the 
two  which,  in  my  judgment,  would  probably  forever  forbid 
their  living  together  upon  the  footing  of  perfect  equality,  and 
inasmuch  as  it  becomes  a  necessity  that  there  must  be  a  dif¬ 
ference,  I,  as  well  as  Judge  Douglas,  am  in  favor  of  the  race 
to  which  I  belong  having  the  superior  position.”  (Abraham 
Lincoln,  Speeches,  Letters  and  State  Papers,  H.  &  H.,  Yol.  I., 
page  457.) 

In  the  same  debate  at  Charleston,  Illinois,  'September  18, 
1858,  he  said:  will  say  then  that  I  am  not,  nor  ever  have 

been,  in  favor  of  bringing  about  in  any  way  the  social  and 
political  equality  of  the  white  and  black  races ;  that  I  am  not, 
nor  ever  have  been,  in  favor  of  making  voters  or  jurors  of 
negroes,  nor  of  qualifying  them  to  hold  office,  nor  to  inter¬ 
marry  with  white  people;  and  I  will  say  in  addition  to  this 
that  there  is  a  physical  difference  between  the  white  and  black 
races  which  I  believe  will  forever  forbid  the  two  races  living 
together  on  terms  of  social  and  political  equality.”  (Ibid., 
I) age  457.) 


1.  I  challenge  anyone  to  disprove  these  quotations,  and  I 
challenge  anyone  to  show  where  Jefferson  Davis  ever  said  or 
wrote  anything  as  unkind  to,  or  about,  the  colored  race. 

Where  was  the  poor  brother  in  black  to  go?  In  1862  Illinois 
had  a  constitutional  convention.  Article  XVIII  provided. 
Section  I:  ^^Xo  negro  or  mulatto  shall  immigrate  or  settle  in 
this  State  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.”  The  vote 
was  taken  and  adopted  by  a  majority  of  100,590,  barely  one 
month  before  President  Lincoln’s  first  Proclamation  of  Eman¬ 
cipation.  This  you  will  find  recorded  in  Illinois  Convention 
Journal,  1862,  page  1098.  If  his  own  State  feared  and  a  few 
thousand  negroes  what  could  President  Lincoln  think  of  the 
Southern  States  with  millions  of  them? 

But  enough  of  this.  Here  the  white  and  colored  races  are 
living  in  peace.  The  attrition  of  the  tide  of  time  is  gradually 
wearing  off  the  asperities  of  other  days.  All  hearts  are  beat¬ 
ing  in  unison  to  the  music  of  the  Union  and  the  Constitution. 
The  Constitution  has  been  amended  many  times  since  1865. 
The  race  question  is  gradually  being  solved.  The  South  is 
spending  millions  to  educate  the  brother  in  black.  If  the 
demagogues  will  let  the  States  alone,  with  their  reserved  sover¬ 
eign  rights,  there  will  never  be  any  possibility  of  going  out¬ 
side  the  Constitution  to  save  the  Union,  or  of  going  outside 
the  Union  to  save  the  Constitution. 

Horace  Greeley,  in  the  Xew  York  Tribune,  February  23,  1861, 
wrote:  ^^We  have  repeatedly  said,  and  we  once  more  insist, 
that  the  great  principle  embodied  by  J efferson,  that  govern¬ 
ments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
is  sound  and  just  j  and  that  if  the  Slave  States,  the  cotton 
States,  or  the  Gulf  States  only  choose  to  form  an  independent 

nation  they  have  the  moral  right  to  do  so.” 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1861,  only  five  days  previous  to  the 
call  for  75,000  soldiers,  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  in  an 
official  communication  to  the  American  Minister  to  Great 
Britain,  wrote:  ^Tor  these  reasons  he  (the  President)  would 
not  be  disposed  to  reject  a  cardinal  dogma  of  theirs  (the  Seces¬ 
sionists),  namely,  that  the  Federal  Government  could  not 
reduce  the  seceding  States  to  obediency  by  conquest,  even  though 
he  were  disposed  to  question  that  proposition.  But,  in  fact, 

-ifl5|i- 


the  President  willingly  accepts  it  as  true.  Only  an  imperial 
or  despotic  government  could  subjugate  thoroughly  disaffected 
and  insurrectionary  members  of  the  State.  This  Federal  Pe- 
puhlican  system  of  ours  of  all  forms  of  government  is  the  very 
one  which  is  most  unfitted ^for  such  labor.’’  (Diplomatic  Cor¬ 
respondence,  1861,  page  58.)  When  some  mighty  Thucydides 
shall  arise  to  write  the  true  history  of  the  War  of  1861-65,  he 
may  ask  why  the  ISTorth  decided  to  regard  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  as  a  scrap  of  paper  and  change  from  a 
^Tederal  Republic”  to  ^^an  imperial  or  despotic  government” 
so  it  ^^could  subjugate  thoroughly  the  South,”  and  explain  why 
the  Uorth  had  any  better  right  to  secede  from  the  Constitution 
than  the  South  had  to  secede  from  the  Union. 

The  Legality:  There  was,  and  is,  a  dispute  whether  the 
States  created'  the  Federal  Grovernment  and  delegated  to  it  the 
powers  it  has,  or  whether  it  is  the  creature  of  the  whole  people 
of  the  United  States,  acting  as  a  great  sovereign  political  unit. 
Read  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Article  Y.,  and 
ask  yourself  if  the  creature  is  greater  than  the  creator. 

In  1816,  when  Marshall  of  Virginia  and  Story  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts  were  members  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
the  entire  bench  concurring,  said:  ^^The  Government,  then, 
of  the 'United  States  can  claim  no  powers  which  are  not  granted 
to  it  by  the  Constitution  and  th^  powers  actually  granted 
must  be  such  as  are  expressly  given,  or  given  by  necessary 
implication.”  (1.  Wlieaton,  U.  S.  Reports,  326.) 

In  1906,  Justice  Brewer,  speaking  for  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  said:  ^^As  heretofore  stated  the  constant 
declaration  of  this  Court  from  the  beginning  is  that  this  gov¬ 
ernment  is  one  of  enumerated  powers.” 

It  is  so  today.  If  this  should  ever  cease  to  be  so  this  beauti¬ 
ful  government  would  quickly  become  one  of  the  mournful 
dreams  of  the  past. 

Article  X,  United  States  Constitution,  says :  ^^The  powers 
not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  to  the  people.” 

Some  of  the  ratifying  conventions  sought  to  make  assurances 
doubly  sure.  Virginia,  for  instance,  interpreting  the  Constitu- 


tion  as  part  of  lier  ratification,  said :  ^^Tfie  powers  granted 
under  tlie  Constitution  may  be  reseiwed  by  the  people  when¬ 
soever  the  same  shall  be  perverted  to  their  injury  or  oppression.” 

ISTew  York,  followed  by  Rhode  Island,  as  part  of  the  res 
gestae,  with  reference  to  the  powers  delegated  to  the  Federal 
Government  said  “the  powers  of  government  may  be  reserved 
by  the  people  whenever  it  shall  become  necessary  to  their 
happiness.” 

Comrades,  never  forget  that  you  fought  for  the  rights  for 
which  your  fathers  fought  under  Washington,  and  that  it  is 
not  a  lost  cause.  Do  not  forget  that  the  sovereignty  of  the 
United  States  is  delegated;  that  of  each  State  is  inherent. 

Shortly  before  leavdng  the  bench  in  1915  Justice  Hughes  of 
Hew  York  prepared  the  opinion  in  Kennedy,  vs.  Becker  (241 
U.  S.,  563).  As  thus  prepared  this  opinion  was  subsequently 
adopted  and  delivered  by  the  late  Chief  Justice  White  as  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Concerning  the 
power  of  the  State  of  Kew  York  to  control  lands  which  were 
the  subject  of  a  treaty  between  Robert  Morris  and  the  Seneca 
Kation  of  Indians  in  1797,  the  court  says:  “But  the  existence 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  State  was  well  understood  and  this 
conception  involved  all  that  was  necessarily  implied  in  that 
sovereignty,  whether  fully  appreciated  or  not.” 

According  to  Woolsey,  Vattel  and  Proudhon,  where  any  peo¬ 
ple  set  up  a  government  and  force  the  government  from  which 
they  withdraw  to  sign  a  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners, 
they  ceased  to  be  rebels  and  become  belligerents.  When  any 
man  calls  you  a  rebel  you  may  know  that  he  is  either  an  igno¬ 
ramus,  or  too  much  prejudiced  to  appreciate  an  argument  or 

see  the  truth. 

Thousands  of  articles  have  been  written  and  many  eloquent 
and  impassioned  orations  have  been  made  since  we  found  our¬ 
selves  among  the  stranded  fragments  and  floating  timbers  of 
1861-65.  The  hero-worshippers  deify  their  favorites,  damn 
some  with  faint  praise  and  send  the  remainder  to  everlasting 
uneasiness;  but  the  great  assize  of  the  unprejudiced  world’s 
thought  and  conscience  tries  again  and  again  the  merits  of 
controversies  and  brings  victor  and  vanquished  to  the  har  of 
its  increasingly  fair  and  discriminating  judgment.  The  Korth 


and  South  were  morally  wrong  for  buying  and  selling  human 
beings.  The  South  was  right  in  fighting  for  her  rights  under 
the  Constitution. 

Tremendous  problems  confront  us  now.  Men  and  women, 
ISTorth,  South,  East  and  'West,  should  bind  it  upon  their  fingers, 
write  it  upon  their  door-posts  and  impress  it  upon  their  chil¬ 
dren  that  the  highest  liberty  is  the  reign  of  law.  We  should 
do  all  we  can  to  Americanize  and  Christianize  the  incoming 
tide  from  other  lands. 

The  Confederate  soldier  has  always  been  the  best  friend  the 
negro  had.  We  will  continue  to  cultivate  friendly  relations. 

March  10,  1884,  Jefferson  Davis  made  a  speech  to  the  Mis¬ 
sissippi  Legislature.  I  give  a  quotation:  “Our  people  have 
accepted  that  decree;  it  therefore  behooves  them  as  they  may, 
to  promote  the  general  welfare  of  the  Union,  to  show  to  the 
world  that  hereafter  as  heretofore  the  patriotism  of  our  people 
is  not  measured  by  lines  of  latitude  and  longitude,  but  is  as 
broad  as  the  obligations  they  have  assumed  and  embraces 
the  whole  of  our  ocean-hound  domain.  Let  them  leave  to  their 
children’s  children  the  good  example  of  never  swerving  from 
the  path  of  duty  and  preferring  to  return  good  for  evil  rather 
than  to  cherish  the  unmanly  feeling  of  revenge.” 

These  noble  words  gushed  forth  from  as  brave  a  man  as 
ever  girded  on  a  sword  or  charged  through  the  white  smoke  of 
battle.  Davis  embodied  and  represented  with  constant  and 
patient  heroism,  to  the  day  of  his  death,  the  right  of  self- 
government  which  Washington  won,  for  which  Lee  fought  and 
for  which  Albert  Sidney  Johnston  and  Stonewall  Jackson  died. 
Citizen,  soldier,  statesman.  President,  thou  hast  passed  into 
history.  When  these  thick  fogs  of  time,  looking  through  which 
prejudiced  eyes  still  view  thee,  shall  vanish  before  the  just  and 
righteous  verdict  of  history  thy  name  and  the  cause  for  which 
thy  comrades  fought  and’  died  will  shine  out  as  one  of  the 
greatest  bulwarks  against  the  whirlwinds  of  anarchy  and  prove 
to  be  the  greatest  power  to  save  this  glorious  republic,  which 
now  looms  up  on  the  horizon,  to  the  admiration  of  all  the  earth, 
from  the  polar  frosts  of  a  centralized,  Prussianized  military 
despotism.  The  Confederate  armies  are  disbanded  and  we 


are  in  our  Father’s  house  to  remain;  but  the  cause  for  which 
Davis  stood  was  never  more  alive  than  now.  ISTearly  every 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  from  1865 
to  1921  has  sustained  the  contentions  of  the  South.  Every 
great  battle  since  has  been  for  freedom  and'  self-government. 

President  Wilson  often  told  the  people  why  we  went  into 
the  World  War.  Only  a  few  days  ago  President  Harding  at 
Brooklyn^  Hew  York,  said:  ^‘^These  heroes  were  sacrificed  in 
the  supreme  conflict  of  all  human  history.  '  They  saw  democracy 
challenged  and  defended  it.  They  saw  civilization  threatened 
and  rescued  it.  They  saw  America  affronted  and  resented  it. 
They  saw  our  national  rights  imperilled  and  stamped  these 
rights  with  a  new  sanctity  and  a  new  security.  They  gave 
all  that  men  and  women  can  give.  We  shall  give  our  most 
and  best  if  we  make  certain  that  they  did  not  die  in  vain.” 

May  28,  1921,  at  a  meeting  of  Yale  University  Alumni  at 
Washington,  D.  C.,  among  the  distinguished  speakers  was  Pres¬ 
ident  Arthur  T.  Hadley,  who  said :  ^Tt  is  essential  that  college 
students  should  understand  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  their 
fellow  citizens  as  a  body ;  not  those  of  their  own  group  or  class 
hut  those  of  the  many  different  groups  that  make  up  the 
Hation.  It  is  true,”  said  Dr.  Hadley,  ^That  the  United  States 
has  not  developed  such  fierce  international  antagonisms  as 
Germany  did,  hut  we  have  within  our  borders  possibilities  of 
conflict  which  are  just  as  fundamental  and  which  may  prove 
just  as  serious.  We  have  class  antagonisms,  whose  most  helpless 
feature  is  that  they  are  based  oni  class  misunderstandings. 
City  and  country  are  often  as  far  apart  in  feeling  as  though 
they  represented  separate  nations.  Organized  capital  and 
organized  labor  pursue  their  several  ends  without  any  real 
knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  of  either  group  of  what 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  other  are  thinking.” 

Southern  Sympathy  Broad.  Declaring  Southerners  show  a 
sympathy  which  is  not  only  broad  but  instinctive,  the  speaker 
asserted  that  ^^The  country  looks  to  the  South  to  see  that  it 
does  not  get  Prussianized.”  And  what  is  Prussianism?  It  is 
the  creature  of  class  victory  in  a  class  conflict.  And  what 
does  it  mean?  The  supremacy  of  the  few  over  the  many; 
autocratic  dictation  and  the  negation  of  local  self-government 

-419]|5- 


and  individual  liberty.  .  Our  percentage  of  native-born  white 
people  is  higher  than  that  of  the  hTorth  and  the  West.  Dr.  Had¬ 
ley  knows  that  true  and  loyal  Americanism  can  be  looked  for 
with  greater  certainty  in  a  section  where  American  blood  is 
thickest.  In  a  land  that  gave  birth  to  Washington,  Jefferson^ 
Patrick  Henry,  Madison,  Marshall,  Davis,  Lincoln,  Lee,  Jack- 
son,  Albert  Sidney  Johnston  and  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  Monroe, 
Graham,  Vance,  Ben  Hill  and  Chief  Justice  White  will  always 
be  a  land  where  Prussianism  will  be  at  a  minimum. 

It  took  England  over  two  hundred  years  to  quit  spitting  on 
the  name  and  grave  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  As  I  went  through 
London  I  saw  a  magnificent  statue  of  him  near  the  place  where 
his  disinterred  skull  was  once  posted  to  be  hissed  at  by  the 
passing  throng.  The  day  is  coming,  yea,  now  is,  when  the 
N'orth  with  her  tens  of  thousands  of  un-Americanized  popula¬ 
tion,  will  be  calling  on  the  South  to  save  our  civil  and  religid^s 
institutions  from  Prussianism  and  Bolshevism. 

What  is  the  place  of  Davis  in  history  ?  Ben  Hill  said :  ^^He 
was  the  most  honest,  the  truest,  gentlest,  bravest,  tenderest, 
manliest  man  I  ever  saw.’’  Prescott,  the  historian,  who  knew 
the  history  of  Benton,  Wdbster,  Clay  and  Calhoun,  was  asked 
how  Davis  cpmpared  with  these  great  Senators.  He  replied : 
^^Davis  was  the  most  accomplished.”  Bidpath  and  other  great 
historians  knew  Davis  intimately.  Bidpath  said:  ^^He  was  a 
statesman  with  clean  hands  and  a  pure  heart,  who  served  his 
people  faithfully,  from  budding  manhood  to  hoary  age,  without 
thought  of  self,  with  unbending  integrity,  to  the  best  of  his 
ability.  All  who  knew  him  personally  were  proud  that  he  was 
their  countryman.” 

Others  won  more  laurels  on  the  field  of  Mars.  Bushed  to 
the  helm  of  the  Confederate  ship  of  state  in  a  tornado,  he 
proved  to  be  the  greatest  combination  of  heart  and  brain  which 
ever  commanded  600,000  men  and  held  out  for  four  years 
against  2,800,000.  Every  year  the  tenderest  hands  will  cull 
the  sweetest  flowers,  weave  them  into  garlands  and  deck  the 
gateway  through  which  Davis  and  his  heroes  marched  to  glory. 
The  name  of  Davis  will  shine  as  a  star  of  the  first  magnitude 
until  the  muse  of  history  writes  ^Tinis’’  ivith  a  pen  of  fire. 


AN  APPEAL  TO  THE  CONFEDERATE  SOL¬ 
DIERS  AND  TO  THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 
TEACHERS  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA 


If  you  will  send  thirty-seven  cents  to  D.  A.  Long,  Franklinton, 

A 

N.  C.,  you  can  secure  a  booklet  which  has  been  endorsed  by  the  Board 
of  Education  for  our  State.  Also  commended  for  its  legal  and  his¬ 
torical  accuracy,  as  well  as  its  high  literary  quality,  by  such  high  au¬ 
thority  as  Chief  Justice  Clark,  General  Halderman,  the  President  of 

Yale  University,  Hon.  J.  Y.  Joyner,  the  late  leader  in  Congress,  Claude 

« 

Kitchin,  and  many  others. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  I  sent  Dr,  Daniel  Albright 
Long,  May  21, 1923: 

“It  is  a  source  of  unfeigned  pleasure  to  me  to  add  my  com* 

J 

mendation  to  your  very  valuable  address  on  ‘The  Place  of  Jef¬ 
ferson  Davis  in  History.’  It  is  a  fearless  and  truthful  state¬ 
ment  of  facts.  This  valuable  contribution  to  the  truths  of  his¬ 
tory  has  been  very  much  needed.  Permit  me  to  congratulate  you 
upon  the  efficiency  and  ability  with  which  you  have  accomplished 

this  good  work.  I  fail  to  remember  a  more  valuable  contribu¬ 
tion.  It  is  one  of  the  outstanding  events  of  history  that  has  come 
to  my  attention.  Your  arguments  seem  to  me  to  be  unanswer¬ 
able,  and  certainly  you  have  rendered  a  valuable  contribution  to 
the  truths  of  history.  Your  exceedingly  interesting  and  invalu¬ 
able  book  should  be  in  every  library  and  home.” 

Most  respectfully, 


Julian  S.  Carr. 


EXPRESSIONS  from  HIGH  AUTHORITIES 
in  REGARD  to  the  BOOK 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS 


BY 


Daniel  Albright  Long 


Dr.  Long’s  Book  has  been  recommended  by  the  State  Board  of 
Education  of  North  Carolina  for  use  in  the  Schools 

OF  THE  State 


Price  Singu?  Copy  35c  (Postage  Extra,  4c) 
100  OK  More  Copies,  Per  Copy,  25c 


The  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 
Office  of  thr  Secretary 
Raleigh 


Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  FranJclinton,  N.  C. 


July  6,  1921. 


Dear  Dr.  Long:  I  thank  you  for  the  opportunity  to  read  your  manuscript 
address  on  President  Davis.  As  Mr.  Davis  has  been  so  bitterly  maligned 
I  am  glad  that  you  have  undertaken  to  give  in  it  an  accurate  account  of 
him  and  his  work,  and  I  feel  sure  that  this  publication  will  do  much  good, 
and  set  others  to  inquire  into  the  facts  of  his  life. 

With  highest  regards, 

Very  truly  yours, 

D.  H.  Hill. 


State  of  North  Carolina 
Department  of  State 

Raleigh,  July  8,  1921. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

Dear  Doctor:  I  thank  you  for  the  opportunity  to  read  your  address  on 
President  Davis  delivered  at  Concord.  It  is  a  splendid  and  worthy  tribute 
to  a  great  and  most  patriotic  American. 

I  wish  the  facts  that  you  have  brought  out  could  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  many  prejudiced  and  ignorant  writers  of  American  History.  I  wish 
ev'en  more  that  the  teachers  of  History  in  North  Carolina  could  imbibe 
your  spirit  and  get  the  truths  you  present  in  their  minds. 

With  thanks  and  best  wishes,  I  am. 

Sincerely, 

J.  Bryan  Grimes. 


State  of  North  Carolina 
Supreme  Court 
Raleigh 

July  11, ,1921. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

Dear  Doctor:  It  has  been  a  pleasure  and  a  privilege  to  read  your  address 
on  President  Davis  recently  delivered  at  Concord,  N.  C.  It  is  not  only  a 
just  and  eloquent  tribute  to  a  great  and  good  man,  and  patriotic  American 
citizen,  but  it  presents  a  forcible  statement  of  the  right  of  secession,  for 
which  our  fathers  fought,  and  of  which  Mr.  Davis  was  the  able  and  con¬ 
spicuous  exponent  and  defender — in  my  estimate,  a  doctrine  undoubtedly 
correct  under  the  Constitution  as  it  then  existed.  The  paper  derives 
additional  value  also  from  the  emphasis  and  approval  given  to  the  principle 
of  local  self-government,  so  essential  to  the  endurance  and  well-ordered 
progress  of  the  Republic. 

We  are,  and  have  good  reason  to  be,  grateful  for  this  adequate,  thoughtful, 
and  timely  address. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  A.  Hoke. 


State  of  North  Carolina 
Supreme  Court 
Raleigh 


June  30th,  1921. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

Dear  Sir.  Thanks  for  sending  me  the  enclosed  which  I  have  read  with 
great  interest.  It  is  a  very  able  and  instructive  speech.  There  is  no  criti¬ 
cism  that  I  can  make  of  it  except  in  its  praise. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Walter  Clark. 


The  News  and  Observer 
Raleigh,  N.  C. 

Josephus  Daniels,  President 

January  28,  1922, 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

My  dear  Dr.  Long: — Mr.  Daniels  and  I  both  read  your  appreciation  of 
Jefferson  Davis  with  great  interest  and  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  print 
It  in  such  shape  as  will  give  it  wide  circulation.  It  is  very  fine. 

Mr.  Daniels  joins  me  in  regards. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Addie  Bagley  Daniels. 

(From  the  wife  of  the  greatest  Secretary  of  the  Navy  the  United  States 
ever  had.) 


State  of  North  Carolina 
Raleigh 

Treasury  Department 

July  6,  1921. 


Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  address  before  the  veterans  in  Concord  on  the  3rd 
has  been  read  with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure.  In  fact,  I  have  read  it  care¬ 
fully  through  twice,  and  I  enjoyed  it  very  much  more  the  second  time  than 
I  did  the  first.  I  want  to  thank  you  for  allowing  me  the  privilege  of  seeing 
it  I  think  it  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  historical  documents  I  have  read 
iri  years,  and  I  sincerely  hope  that  it  will  be  printed,  so  that  it  will  get 
into  the  hands  of  not  only  the  children  but  the  people  of  North  Carolina. 
It  shows  that  you  have  given  it  long  thought  and  a  great  deal  of  labor, 
and  it  is  well  worth  to  the  people  of  North  Carolina  all  that  you  have  given 
it.  For  my  part  I  want  to  thank  you  for  having  made  it. 

Yours  truly, 

B.  R.  Lacy,  State  Treasurer. 


The  North  Carolina  Historical  Commission 
Office  of  the  Secretary 
Raleigh 

‘  July  6,  1921. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

My'  dear  Dr.  Long:  I  have  read  with  much  pleasure  and  profit  your 
admirable  sketch  'of  a  man  who  is  greatly  misunderstood  by  many — Jefferson’ 
Davis — and  his  place  in  history.  It  misses  no  points,  and  its  directness’ 
and  conciseness  add  to  its  value.  I  congratulate  you  on  such  a  document. 

Sincerely  yours, 


Fred  A.  Olds. 


From  The 

Editor  of  the  Christian  Sun 
Richmond,  Va. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

Dear  Dr.  Long:  I  am  pleased  to  see  that  your  book  has  won  a  place  in 
the  school  work  of  North  Carolina.  It  is ’indeed  worthy  of  the  attention  of 
the  leading  people  of  the  State,  to  say  nothing  of  the  school  children.  I 
regard  it  as  without  a  rival  in  literature  in  point  of  the  matter  it  contains, 
and  also  as  to  the  literary  character  of  the  work. 

Sincerely  yours, 

J.  Pressly  Barrett. 


Edwards  &  Broughton  Printing  Company 
Raleigh,  N.  C. 

Charles  Lee  Smith,  President 

March  20,  1923. 

Dr.  Daniel  Albright  Long,  Franklinton,  N.  C. 

Dear  Dr.  Long:  I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  will  publish  your  Monograph 
on  Jefferson  Davis  and  that  it  has  been  recommended  by  the  North  Carolina 

e 

Board  of  Education  for  use  in  the  schools  of  this  State. 

Every  teacher  who  would  correctly  interpret  the  history  of  the  War  between 
the  States  should  have  a  copy  and  I  hope  your  book  will  be  read  by  every 
student  in  our  schools. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Charles  Lee  Smith. 


EDWARDS  &  BROUGHTON  PRINTING  CO..  RALFi'^H.  N.  O. 


THE  NORTH  CAROLINA  COLLECTION 


